By Sarwar A. Kashmeri
American international coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything particularly amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. no longer real, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be mounted, and needs to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to deal with Europe's emergence as a big energy. a type of usa of Europe, with overseas priorities varied from these of the USA, has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US remains to be forging overseas coverage for Europe utilizing chilly conflict realities; either Democrats and Republicans anticipate the ecu Union to fall into step, and document for carrier as neededвЂ”under American leadership.
Europe, notwithstanding, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the global degree, competing visions of ecu management have emerged. The Iraq struggle has introduced them into stark aid. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it was once a couple of department among American pursuits and ecu ambitions. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with truth, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the U.S. a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American particular dating. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in response to a unique courting with the ecu Union. This time table is electrified by means of the ideas of the leaders who spoke to the writer particularly for this ebook, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British major minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Additional resources for America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
Senator Chuck Hagel is one of them. ” Senator Hagel asked rhetorically. “No, because the British were there, and there was a lot of conversation and chatter from other countries about supporting the United States; but the Brits were the only ones there with forces on the ground,” he said. The main lesson from Iraq was clear for Hagel: “We cannot function in this kind of a world in a unilateral fashion,” he told me. A few weeks later, quoting Joseph Nye, dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, he said that “Crisis-driven ‘coalitions of the willing’ are not by themselves the building blocks for a stable world.
Who would pay to put all the pieces back together, as well as for the intended and unintended consequences that would surely follow, and are following? “We did not think that through very well, and those are also important lessons I hope we can learn,” he told me. 28 America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq Hagel is on particularly strong ground when he speaks about the costs of the Iraqi war for the United States, because he was one of few elected officials who personally tried to understand what the war would mean to America in terms of troops, money, and duration.
But the invasion of Iraq illuminated, in addition to the rift with America’s major allies, a growing divide within Republican ranks. Important elements within the party disagreed, and continue to disagree, with the American administration’s reason for going to war and its novel reformulation of the concept of alliances. Senator Chuck Hagel is one of them. ” Senator Hagel asked rhetorically. “No, because the British were there, and there was a lot of conversation and chatter from other countries about supporting the United States; but the Brits were the only ones there with forces on the ground,” he said.
America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar A. Kashmeri